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Ateneo de Manila University • Loyola Heights, Quezon City • 1108 Philippines

The Sources of Gaspar Aquino de Belen’s Pasyon

Rene B. Javellana, S.J.

Philippine Studies vol. 32, no. 3 (1984): 305–321

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Phlippine Studies 32 (1984) : 305-21

The Sources of Gaspar Aquino de Belen’s Pasyon
R E N E B. JAVELLANA, S.J.

In an earlier note in Philippine Studies[PS 3 1 ( 1 983): 45 1-67], I
outlined the genealogy of the pasyon text, a type of religious verse
that narrates the life of the Saviour and which has appeared in the
major vernaculars of the Philippines.

The first datable pasyon to have appeared was a 980-verse narra-
tive written by the master printer of the Jesuits, Gaspar Aquino de
Belen, who in 1703 published Mahal na Passion ni Jesuchristong
Panginoon Natin na Tola1 as a companion to his translation of
Villacastin’s prayers for the dying. This pasyon text has been con-
sidered a landmark of Tagalog literature of the eighteenth century
for here we have an instance of a native poet struggling with a
topic not endemic t o his native culture but one learned from
foreign missionaries. It is intriguing t o search for the roots of this
landmark, t o discover the sources behind the flust pasyon, for such
a search will help, even in a limited way, toward a better under-
standing of how Christian stories and teachings become accultura-
ted in a new environment.

1. Tomas de Villacastin, Manga Panalanging PagtatagobiIin so Ollolova Nang Tavong
Naghihinga10,Ysinalin sa vican tagalog ni D. Gaspar Aquino de Belen, 5th ed. (Manila:
Imprenta de la Compan’ia de Iesus, 1760).

This frfth edition is the only extant version of the text. Two copies are available in
Manila, the copy in the Lopez Museum and that in the National Library. The Lopez
copy has a number of missing pages while the National Library copy is complete. Earlier
bibliographers date the first printing of the text to 1703 but Lumbera has argued for a
1704 dating. He points to the notice granting 40 days indulgence to whosoever reads
or hears read the pasyon From this he argues that “the fust edition appeared a year
later than is generally acknowledged” [see “Assimilation and Synthesis,” Philippine
Studies 16 (October 1968): 624, n 5.1

His argument misconstrues the legal status of indulgences vis-a-vis publication. For a
work to be published it needed the approval of the local ordinary. This was granted after
the censura previa. Other documents attached to the fifth edition indicate that the

306 PHILIPPINE STUDIES

C R I T I C A L S O U R C E W O R K O N T H E P A S Y O N

Vicente Barrantes, in claiming that the Filipino pasyons were
copies of European originals, implied that Gaspar Aquino de Belen
used sources in composing his poem. Yet it was not until almost a
century later that any serious attempt to trace the sources of
Aquino de Belen’s poem, or of any pasyon for that matter, was
undertaken. Two critics may be singled out for their work in this
area: Bienvenido Lumbera and Nicanor Tiongson. Lumbera ob-
serves that although Aquino de Belen’s pasyon may be called ori-
ginal, it had its roots in Spanish poetry. Lumbera goes on to cite
“Spanish verse accounts of the Redemption” t o which Aquino de
Belen’s pasyon is related; t o cite a few: Iiiigo de Mendoza’s Vita
Chrkti (Zamora 1482); Comendador Roman’s Coplas de la Pasion
con la Resurrection (Toledo, 1490); Juan de Quiros’ Cristo Pathia
(Toledo, 1 5 5 2); Francisco Hernandez Blasco’s Universal Reden-
cion . . . Although Lumbera’s bibliography of relations, hence
possible sources, is impressive, he does not demonstrate which of
these Spanish poems influenced Aquino de Belen; much less does
he demonstrate how Aquino de Belen was so influenced. Tiongson
has come up with the best worked out theory of sources, suggest-
ing that the pasyon came from: a) the Old and New Testaments;
b) apocryphal works, Christian legends culled from the awit and
the awit themselves; c) other pasyons; and d ) the unbridled ima-
gination of the ~ r i t e r . ~ Like Lumbera, Tiongson does not go into
a meticulous analysis of the pasyon to demonstrate which part of
the pasyon came from which of the sources he has proposed.
Thus, Tiongson’s suggestion until adequately demonstrated, re-
mains an hypothesis.

There are historical problems t o Tiongsonys hypothesis, though.

censura previa was done a year earlier and approval for publication given then. This
means that the work could have been published in 1703 as earlier bibliographers attest.
An indulgence could be added later as a sign of favor but had Little to do with getting a
text published.

Since no critical edition of Aquino de Belen’s pasyon exist, I have based my essay on
the complete edition of the National Library and have appended stanza numbers to each
stanza. Subsequent references to the pasyon text of Aquino de Belen will be notated as
AqdB, followed by a stanza number.

2. Lumbera, “Assimilation and Synthesis,” pp. 623-24.
3. Nicanor Tiongson, “The Pasyon: The Best-Known Filipino Book,” Archipelago 3

(1976-lv, A-28): 30-38.

BELEN’S PASYON 307

When he says that the pasyons used the Old and the New Tes-
taments, does he refer t o the Scripture text itself or t o same
paraphrase of it? The Scriptures were not translated into the ver-
nacular until the 1930s’ and this through the efforts of Protestant
missionaries and not Catholic priests. If any Scripture was avail-
able locally in the eighteenth and nineteenth century for the use
of the Catholic, it was the Latin translation, Jerome’s Vulgate.
More common were paraphrases or catechisms on Bible History,
like Josef Pinton’s Compendio Historico de la R e l i g i ~ n . ~ To claim,
then, that Aquino de Belen used the Old and the New Testaments
would mean that he could read Latin intelligently. Is this pro-
bable?

A thorough investigation of the sources used by Aquino de
Belen would involve an extensive and profound knowledge of the
literature oral and written that the Spaniards brought t o the Phil-
ippines. In particular, we would have t o know which pieces of
religious literature braved the passage through the Pacific un-
scathed and which underwent transformation as currents of
cultural contact were filtered through Mexico. We would also
need to know Mexican literature of the Spanish colonial period,
for it can be safely assumed that since Mexico was the launching
point for the mission t o the Philippines, at least during the first
three centuries o f evangelization, it would be probable that
Christian literature forged in Mexico had its influence in the Phil-
ippines. A satisfactory study and survey of Spanish and Mexican
literature brought to the Philippines is yet to be made. Lacking
such a study, this article proposes neither a thorough account of
sources nor a definitive study regarding the literature, oral or
written, that Aquino de Belen may have used. What this study
does attempt is threefold: t o refine the Tiongson hypothesis that
Aquino de Belen used the Old and New Testaments as sources; to
give focus t o Lumbera’s proposal that the pasyon of Aquino de
Belen is related to “Spanish verse accounts of the Redemption”;
and to discover, through internal analysis of the pasyon text, in-
dications concerning the identity of other sources used.

4. Josef Pinton, Compendio Hisrorico de la Religion: Maicling Gzsaysayan nang
Son’sanng Bagay nu Nauucol sa PagquiIala a t Pugsamba sa Dios, trans. Antonio Floren-
tino Puansen (Manila: Tip. de la Univ. de Santo Tomas, 1932). First published in 1863.

308 PHILIPPINE STUDIES

A Q U I N O D E B E L E N O N HIS U S E O F S O U R C E S

No unequivocal document exists that clearly states which sour-
ces Aquino de Belen used in fabricating his pasyon, yet Aquino de
Belen in the preface to his own work suggests that he did in
fact come in touch with sources. He claims that his knowledge is
not his own but he owes it t o those with whom he dwells –
“paquinabang co sa aquing quinalalagyan at sinasalilongang may
caniya.” He seems t o have used some written sources or at least
had access t o them for h e states:

Ytong mahal na Passion ni Iesu Christong Panginoon natin ay bagaman
yari na capagdaraca, ipinasiyasat co sa manga madoronong, at isinongdo
nilang magaling sa Historia nang Santo Evangelio, at malaquing pagcaca-
balic nang manga Passiong sulat sa camay na nangaonang inilacad caya
onavain mo ang iyong pagbasa sampon nang pagtotoring nang canicaniyang
vica.

Aquino de Belen mentions a Historia nang Santo Evangelio t o
which his text was favorably compared and which apparently ante-
dates his. This Historia could not have been a complete translation
of the four Gospels, for although the Council of Trent (1545-63)
did not prohibit translations of the Bible into the vernacular, its
insistence on competent and orthodox translations did in fact be-
come a hindrance to Bible translations in the colonies of Spain.
Possibly the text alluded t o was Pablo Clain’s Historia d e 10s Evan-
gelios mentioned in Salvador Maso’s manuscript on prominent
J e s ~ i t s . ~ No copy of the Historia exists. If it did it was most
probably a paraphrase of the gospels. Probably, it never saw print
since Aquino de Belen’s pasyon proved to be far superior, and
because i t never saw print, the text is not mentioned elsewhere
except in Maso. Aquino de Belen also mentions “Passiong sulat sa
camay.” What were these texts? Were they some prototype of the
pasyon? Or were these nothing more than passages from the
Gospel and Bible stories patiently copied out by the native after a
sermon as their forebears were wont to do?

5. Gaspar Aquino de Belen, “Sa Babasa Nitong Libro,” Preface t o M a n ~ a Panalanginx
Pagtatagobilin ( n o page given).

6. Salvador Maso, “hisiones Jesuiticas de Filipinas,” (MS) trans. Leo A. Cullurn (n.p.,
1951?), pp. 65-66.

BELEN’S PASY ON 309

A Q U I N O D E B E L E N A N D H I S U S E O F S C R I P T U R E

A thorough presentation of the evidence regarding the sources
would involve reproducing the text of Aquino de Belen and anno-
tating this t o indicate sources used. For this article, it will suffice
t o present the general flow of the evidence and the conclusion
toward which such an annotated text would point. Our search for
sources begins by a process of elimination. Did Aquino de Belen
have direct access t o Scripture?

If he did then the only text available for him would be Latin.
But there is n o external proof t o disclaim or to prove that he read
Latin. In fact, his pasyon is replete with Latin quotations: “Non
lababis in aeternum mihi pedes” (Jn. 13: 8); “Tristes est anima
mea usque ad mortem” (Mt. 26: 38); “Vigilate et orate, u t non
intretis in tentationem” (Mt. 26:41); and he ends his book with
“Laus Deo.” Do these quotes not give the impression that Aquino
de Belen knew Latin?

If he read Latin, he could read the Vulgate. But if he did read
and use the Vulgate, how d o we explain his utter disregard for the
sermon of Jesus in Jn. 13: 1 – 17:33 wherein the words of the Lord
match perfectly with his theme of faithfulness and friendship? If
Ile read the Vulgate, how d o we explain his omission of incidents
in the Gospel which find their way into later versions of the
pasyon? For instance, de la Merced’s mentions the young man
who ran away naked from Gethsemani at the arrest of Jesus (Mk.
14: 5 1-52) but Aquino de Belen does not.’

Comparing the gospels with the Mahal na Passion narrative
shows that the pasyon does not follow any one gospel narrative
slavishly, but picks and chooses from the four according t o some
outline derived from the four Gospels but not clearly dependent
on any one of them. It is also into this fabricated outline that
Aquino de Belen introduces incidents nowhere t o be found in the
Gospels, namely:

1. Christ’s prayer that God the Father protect his mother and
his disciples from harm a t Jesus’ passing away.

2. The angel’s reply that God will not only protect his mother

7. Aniceto de la Merced, El Libro de la Vido: Historia *a& con Santas Reflexiones
y Docninas Morales en Verso Tagalo. (Manila: Libreria y Papeleria de J . Martinez, 1906),
p. 131. The text was first published in 1852, but a manuscript version was already in
existence a decade earlier.

310 PHILIPPINE STUDIES

but He will protect the disciples as well.
3. The long sermon chiding Judas and Peter for sinning.
4. The speeches of Annas and Caiaphas against Jesus.
5. Herod’s .offer of half his kingdom if Jesus performs a miracle

for the former’s entertainment.
6. Details about the way of the cross.
7. The gory description of the crucifixion which in the Gospel

merits the prosaic description, “And they nailed him to the
cross” (Mk. 15: 24).

All these facts together give the impression that Aquino de
Belen probably worked with a conflation of the Gospel, or a para-
phrase, a Vita Christi of sorts, rather than with the gospel texts
themselves. But how d o we explain his use of Latin? Many of the
quotes he uses are popular enough; some come from the Siete
Palabras devotion of Good Friday, for instance: “Pater dimitte illis
non enim sciunt quid faciunt”; or “Amen dico tibi, hodie mecum
eris in Paradiso.” Others are like Christian proverbs “Vigilate et
orate.” Add t o this the custom of spicing sermons, letters and
devotional books with Latin quotes, and we have a probable
source for ~ G u – i n o de Belen’s Latin. These Latin quotes were
culled from various devotional practices and books rather than
from direct contact with the Vulgate.

J U A N D E P A D I L L A ‘ S R E T A B L O D E L A V I D A D E C R I S T O

Having eliminated direct contact with Scripture and having pro-
posed a paraphrase of sorts as one of the immediate sources of the
Mahal na Passion, can something more specific be determined
about this source?

I propose that Juan de Padilla’s Retablo de la Vida de Cristo,
hecho en verso written in 1585 is the immediate and principal
source of Aquino de Belen’s pasyon and from which he derives the
basic outline of his work.’ The Retablo is a long poem, the section
covering the passion of Jesus covers 470 stanzas, t o which 44
stanzas were .added later by Bachiller Burgos bringing the Resur-
rection narrative t o completion. The author of this highly emo-

9

8, Juan de Padilla, “Retablo de la Vida de Cristo, hecho en-Verso,” in Romancero y
Cancionera Sagrados, Vol. 35: Bibliotecas de Autores Esparioles desde la Formacion del
Lenguaje hasta Nuestros Dias (Madrid: Imprenta de 10s Sucesores de Hernando, 1915),
pp. 368-84.

BELEN’S PASYON 31 1

tional poem was a Carthusian monk who, as a prolific writer, was
well known for his religious verses and the narrative he wrote on
the life and career of the twelve apostles. This narrative was t o
serve as a complement to the Retablo.

Comparing the Retablo and the Mahul na Passion uncovers strik-
ing similarities, namely: a) similarities in outline and content; b)
similarities in technique; and c) similarities in expression in more
than a few instances.

S I M I L A R I T I E S I N O U T L I N E A N D C O N T E N T

If the additions made by Bachiller Burgos are discounted, a com-
parison of the Retablo with the Mahal na Passion reveals that
except for a few discrepancies both pasyons have a similar outline.
The discrepancies are, first, there are incidents in the MaRal na
Passion not found in the Retablo, and second, vice-versa. Under
the first heading are the following: a) the Last Supper and Washing
of the Feet; b) the Jews mock Jesus; c) Mary encounters Jesus on
the road t o Calvary and their dialogue; and d) the story of
Longinus. Under the second heading are: a) the women of Jeru-
salem meet Jesus in Caiphas’ house and have pity on him and His
mother; b) John invites Mary t o go t o Calvary; and c) the long
dialogue between Jesus and Mary at Calvary, and the Jews’
mockery of Mary.

Some incidents not found in Scripture are found in both the
Mahal nu Passion and the Retablo. Two notable incidents are the
prayer of Jesus for his mother and disciples and the “sadistic
scene” of Jesus’ crucifixion. Here are the words of the two poems
placed in parallel:

Mahal na Passion Reta blo

a. Prayer for the disciples and Mary

~ n o o l i t ynaarnbil Pero con gran aficion
yaong onang panalangin, i 0 piadoso seiior Padre!
na dating ydinadaying, Porque se que mi pasion
at toloy pinagbilin Herir ha su corazon
ang caniyang Y nang Virgen Te encomiendo aquella Madre.

PHILIPPINE STUDIES

Ang manga Apostoles naman
caniyang paaarangan
ipinapagsasanggalang,
na hovag tomalo,t lomaban
ang loob sa catimtiman.

(AqdB, 9 1-92)

b. The crucifixion

Paripa,y nang mabotasan
caliuang camay hinotan
capagdaca,~, ibinabao,
at canilang tinictican
nang malaquing pacong bacal.

Nang isosonod ang canan,
na ypapaco na naman,
sa icana,t, ipalagay ,
isa ma,y, di matapatan
yaong botas nang pahalang.

Malayo, at ang alangan
di mayrating maonay
cun i-ayon sa sasanlan,
di magcasongco, t , capalang
ang canilang gava,t lalang.

Sa di rin nga matatapat
sila,y, dina noling notas
nang iba,t, yaong ang sinocat,
ang nabanta pang pahirap
hinila nanga,t, binatac.

Nang apat na malalacas,
linalapac ang balicat,
nagsipangorong ang ogat,
litid ay nagsipangalag
fiiyong canilang pagbatac.

Di isa man tinogotan,
paghila,~, di itinahan,
hangan di doon bongmacam
sa botas na nalalaan,
at toloy nang pinacoan.

Mis discipulos, Seiior
De ti Sean amparados
Que a causa de mi dolor
Como ovejas sin pastor
Andaran descarriados.

(Retablo, p. 370)

Como tendido le vieron
Los que asi lo mandaron
Alli seiiales hicieron
Do sus manos extendieron
Y donde 10s pies llegaron

Y despues que seiialaron
El Seiior fue levantado,
Y luego la cruz tomaron,
Y por d i barrenaron,
Por do habian seiialado.

Y alli otra vez le tendieron
Al Rey nuestro, do primer0
Y de un brazo lo asieron
Y grueso clavo metieron
Por la mano y abujero.

Y tales golpes le dieron
Porque estuviese bien fuerte
Que sus nervios encogieron,
Y aquellos dolores fueron
Mas mortales que la muerte.

Y pasados a enclavar
La mano que descansaba
Y queriendo el calvo hincar,
No la podian llegar
A do abarrenando estaba;

Porque, como ya contaron
Los metros que he proseguido,
Al tiempo que al otro echaron,
que 10s nervios le apretaron
Y estaba el brazo encogido.

(Padilla, p. 379)

BELEN’S PASYON

Ang talampacang dalava,
ipinahindolas nila,
pinagsiping, pinagsama,
pinacoang parapara,
di maquibo,t, di mahila.

(AqdB, 793-799)

S I M I L A R I T I E S I N T E C H N I Q U E

Aside from the graphic and emotional language of the Retablo,
as exemplified by the quotations above, the Mahal nu Passion also
uses the Retablo’s techniques of dramatic dialogue, direct address
and short sermonette. Here is an example of dramatic dialogue
from the Retablo. The scene is at the foot of the cross. Mary and
Jesus are speaking with each other- their address to each other is
arranged according to the conventions of the stage:

Judios: Muera la Madre del malo
. . . . . . . . . . . . .
Ved la traidora
madre del Engaiiador;
Mirad con que gana llora
Mirad con que viene ahora
A quejarnos su dolor,

Maria: Por vos era yo honrada
. . . . . . . . . . . . .
Hijo, mi bien y mi Dios;
Ahora soy maltratada.
Abitada y amenguada
Y deshonrada sin vos.

Adonde ire? Que hare!
Hijo, bien de 10s mortales
A quien me querellare?
Con quien me consolare?
A quien contare mis males?
Vos a todos remediais
Con vuestra muerte y pasion;
Y pues que ya me dejais
Hijo, ved a quien mandais
Que me de consolacion.

314 PHILIPPINE STUDIES

Jesus: (to Mary)

Cata ahi, Mujer,
A San Juan has de tener
Por hijo y por compaiiia

(Padilla, pp. 381-82)

Instead of quoting extensively from the Mahal na Passion, the
following references suffice t o show how Aquino de Belen uses
dramatic dialogue: AqdB 91-1 12; 679-724.

An example of direct address can be found in the narrative of
Jesus’ trial. While Jesus is on the way to Pilate, Padilla turns t o the
reader and delivers this exhortation:

Contempla. con que humildad
Aquestas cosas sufria
Aquel Dio s de la verdad;
Contempla la mansedad
y paciencia que tenia.

(Padilla, p. 375)

Similarly, in Aquino de Belen’s version of the incident he
addresses the reader in these words:

Ycaaanim na ito
pagyayaonana, t, ito,
paghahatiran cay Christo
mahabag ang Christiano,t,
panimdim ay ibago.

(AqdB 509)

Besides direct address t o the reader, both poets speak directly
t o the characters of their story. Thus, for instance, Padilla ad-
dresses Judas after betraying his Master and he offers words of
consolation to Mary. Similarly, Aquino de Belen offers a lengthy
tirade t o Peter (AqdB, 152-73) and t o Judas (AqdB, 252-73) after
both betrayed their Lord.

Finally the short sermonettes of Padilla, which are for the most
part variations of an exhortation t o weep – “Cristianos, gemid,
Ilorad” – (Padilla, p. 379) turn into the full-blown AraZ of Aquino

BELEN’S PASYON 315

de Belen. These “arals” draw out the moral implication of the dif-
ferent incidents in the passion of Jesus, which the reader is asked
t o enter into with a spirit of penitence.

S I M I L A R I T I E S I N E X P R E S S I O N

Similarities in outline, content and technique may not be con-
clusive proofs that Aquino de Belen actually used the Retablo, for
it might be argued that such an outline is derived from the gospel,
the choice of content from devotional practice and the techniques
from conventions of religious writing current during the eigh;
teenth century. Such an argument would have been cogent had
there not been a considerable number of instances when the text
of Aquino de Belen appears t o be a translation, free rather than
literal, of the Retablo. The parallelisms in the Mahal nu Passion’s
and the Retablo’s description of the crucifixion present the fol-
lowing examples for consideration. The passion accounts of both
poems begin:

Retablo Mahal na Passion

Grandes cosas nos dijeron 1 Sa Ona pang nanhuhula
Las antiguas profecias ang manga Profetang madla
Y muchas se atribuyeron saquit na ypararaya
A la pasion que le dieron manga ypararalita
A1 verdadero Mesias sa Messias na naava.

Dijeron que ser tenia 2 Ang vica,y, matatalian
Preso y aun muy maltratado daracpin nang sandatahan,
Y dijeron que seria mumurahi,t, di ygalang
De sus siewa compaiiia siya,y pagiyvan naman
Dejado y desamparado; Discipulong caybigan

Y que habia de ser atado 3 Totobonga,t, ysosombong.
Y ante el juez Pilatos puesto, daraiquin sa pagtotol.
Muy crudarnente azotado, casinongalingan yaon
Y falsarnente acusado doon nila yoolong
Con sombra de gran denuestro cay Poncio Pilatong Hocom,

Dijeron mas que seria 4 Ang manga hula pa,t, ysip
Con espinas coronado ay hahampasing masaquit
Y que de loco ternia nang limang libong mahiguit

PHILIPPINE STUDIES

La ropa que se vestia
Y que seria ordenado.

Y mas, que habia de llevar,
Por redoblar sus pasiones
Y por mas le atormentar,
La cruz, y habia de estar
En medio de 10s ladrones

Item mas, que beberia
Vinagre y amarga hiel;
Que en una cruz moriria,
Y que su muerte seria
Muy mas dulce que la miel.

Dijeron que su costado
Seria de lama herido,
Y que seria sepultado.
Y que por lo ya contado
Seria el mundo temido.

Escribieron que tendria
Enterramiento de canto,
Y que en el guardia habria,
Y tres dias estaria
En aquel sepulcro santo.

(Padilla, p. 369)

at popotongan nang tinic
ang 010 niyang mariquit.

5 Aariin namang 01-01,
at ypagdorooldool
niyong manga maroronong
anaqui,~, aliping davol
pagmoray pinatotoloy.

6 Sa cruz ypapaco rao;
at nang lumobhang humalay
ang caniyang pagcamatay,
siya,~, pagpapagytanan
nang dalavang magnanacao.

7 At paiynomin naman
nang apdo,t, sucang masangsang
pamatid yaon nang vhao,
at doon din mapapatdan
nang caniyang pagcamatay

8 At toloy susugtan dao
yaong dibdib niyang mahal
Vala na niyon ang buhay
toloy ybabaon naman
sa ysang baonang hirang.

9 At dito rin sa baonan
madlang tavong magbabantay
Soldado sa Romang Bayan
at nang maicatlong arao
ay magooling mabuhay.

10 Yayang ito,y, natopad na
lahat na hula sa ona
Diyos ay caya namura,
tayo ring tavong lahat na,y,
atin ding ycabalisa.

11 Ngayon ay tayo,y, matova
pasalamat sa naava
sa tongmobos, namahala
baquit mapagbigay pala
siya pang nacatirnava.

BELEN’S PASYON 317

Other examples given in the Table below are by no means
exhaustive but are merely illustrative. It must be noted that the
dependency is not always word for word, so that the Mahal na
Passion cannot be called a translation of the Retablo. Yet, the
author of the Mahal nu Passion does not merely lift ideas: certain
turns of phrase are present in what can only be described as a
“free rendering” in Tagalog of the Spanish prototype.

A Comparison of Stanza from the Retablo and the Mahal nu
Passion Showing Close Similarity Between the Two

Retablo Mahul na Passion

A. Transition stanza from Hula to Narrative

Siendo el tiempo ya venido Ay ano,y, sa dumating na
De todo lo que he contado arao na hula sa OM
Para salvar lo perdido nang masisidhing Profeta,
Para que fue se cumplido ycatitimava baga
Lo que era profetizado. nating inapo ni Eva.

(Padilla, p. 69) (AqdB, 18)

B. Events

1. Judas’ Despair

Y 10s dineros torno Sa Simbahan tongmoloy
Y arrojolos en el templo, Sa pinto ibinolagsac
Y confeso que peco yaong dala niyang pilac
Y justa sangre vendio anhin co (a niya) lapas,
Y que dio muy ma1 ejemplo aco,y, dili na tatawad

(Padilla, p. 374) diva aco,y, di tapat
(AqdB, 347-348)

2. The Trial before Caiaphas

Y luego por la mai’ana Diyata,t, capagca bucas
Cuando ya la primavera arao ay bagong sisicat
Aquella gente tirana na magbubucan livanag
Perversa, con grande gana ang sila nga,y, mamimitac
A caaa de Caifas fuera: agad nilang ytinambad

(Padilla, p. 273) Ynoling yniharap nga
Cay Cayfas na cohila

(AqdB, 290-291)

318 PHILIPPINE STUDIES

3. The Accusation Against Jesus Before Pilate

Este hombre adelantado Nagpapangap Hari, mura
Por rey nuestro se nombraba ang ogali iniyba
Contra la ley predicado; guiniguibic ang lahat na,
Tiene el pueblo alborotado anac (dao) nang Dios siya
Hijo de Dios se llarnaba sa tavo,y, gayon ang badya.

(Padilla, p. 374) (AqdB, 385)

C. Aral

Cual es el que contemplado Ay ang tavo pang may isip
Aquesto, no ha compasion! may calolova,t, may bait
Cud hombre sera el que cuando ang di mahabag, tomangis
Este paso este pendando loob, baiigona,t pagtindig
No quiebre su corazon! manangis cang manangis

(Padilla, p. ) (AqdB, 919)

The close verbal correspondence between the Retablo and the
Mahal nu Passion cannot but create the impression that Aquino de
Belen had first-hand knowledge of this Spanish poem. However,
Aquino de Belen’s pasyon is 510 stanzas longer than the Retablo.
What were the sources of these added stanzas? “Unbridled
imagination”?

D E V O T I O N A L LIFE A N D ITS INFLUENCE O N AQUINO
D E BELEN’S PASYON

A search for the sources of the stanzas in Aquino de Belen that
have not been influenced by the Retablo leads t o less conclusive
results. However, some examples clearly influenced by devotional
life can be cited.

The Church’s devotional life is a powerful means for shaping
Christian consciousness. Knowing instinctively the power of
liturgy and paraliturgy on Christian formation, the Spanish mis-
sionaries consoiously utilized Church celebrations and devotions in
their evangelizing. Hence the fact that liturgy and devotion should
shape Aquino de Belen’s work should not be surprising. Here is an
example of an incident narrated by the MahaI nu Passion through
the optic of the Church’s liturgical practice. In telling the story of
the institution of the Eucharist, Aquino de Belen writes:

BELEN’S PASYCN

Capagcaraca,~ quinuha
ang tinapay sa lamesa
at benendicionan niya,
binolongan capagdaca
niyong vicang mahalaga.

Yto, ay ang catao-an cong
ypacacain sa inyo
caloob co,t, panagano,
bagaman tinapay ito,y,
nagcayba nang totoo.

At saca quinoha naman
yaong Caliz na ynoman
may alac na nalalarnan
caniyang benendicionan
at naguin dogo rin tunay.

(AqdB, 46-48)

A comparison of Aquino de Belen’s account of the …